Politics is a function of the environment in which it is practiced consequently politics is the same anywhere in the world. However the political terrain is different due to social, political, economic and cultural dimensions and the difference in environmental variables makes the practice of politics different from country to country. The Nigeria’s environment is not different and its political culture is probably the most difficult to generalize not only because of its cultural and linguistic diversity of the Nigerian people also because of other factors such as religion, ethnicity, regional. There is no denying that a country with so much cultural and linguistic diversity, will present analytical problem of political and cultural dimension. Many authors and scholars in recent years have tried to overcome this problem by advancing several approaches and perspectives, which include ethnicity, ethnic pluralism, and ethno politics, institutional, structural, political economy approach with emphasis on materialism, probendalism, class and underdevelopments, clientelistic patronage politics. However from a general point of view, political instability in Nigeria over the years has immensely affected political behavior of Nigerian society and this was prevalent in Nigeria before 1999 (3rd republic). The main indices of political instability in Nigeria include the high turnover of governments (regime, structure, institutions, and personnel) occasioned by military coups, inconclusive and contested electoral outcomes, frequent changes in policy, political violence, and crisis of legitimacy, for example between 1960 and 1999 there were ten known military coups, and six of these were successful involving of government being overthrown 1966 (2), 1975, 1983, 1985, 1993 and 1998 in a replacement malaise, due to the demise of Army dictator Abacha. These were in addition to many unsuccessful coups. Within the same period the country had three civilian government, Tafawa Balewa, Shagari, and perhaps Shonekan. The period of rule during this period was averaging three years in any life of Nigeria government until the third republic that is now relatively stable.
The situation is no different at State and Local levels, the situation is even more complex, for example at the inception of Nigeria, the states membership was three, but now 36, in addition to the federal territory and the local governments that were 306 now stands at 774 in 2014.
A change in government usually results in policy change and new formation, with the capacity of destroying an old political cultural formation. This regime change at the federal, state and local levels, have also been attended by massive structural, institutional and policy change. Government ministries, departments, agencies, parastatals and other institutions were in an almost permanent state of restructuring with their executive heads constantly changed. These changes were necessary to affect discontinuity with previous dispensation as part of its legitimating process. Particularly notable in this regard were frequent changes in the revenue allocation system, taxation, monetary and financial regulation announced in the annual budget.
Nigeria as I said at the beginning is a complex society, according to Osaghae with 250 identified languages of vary culture and religion. It has been labeled by Crowder (1974) as divided or deeply divided or the linguistic crossroad. And the country has serious religious divisions, especially between the Muslim and the Christian. These cleavages are problematic to politics because they are all mutually reinforcing and on the other hand, they tend to coincide with the major lines of social – economic and political inequalities and voting behaviour amongst society. There are others cleavages that weigh heavily on political culture in Nigeria society, such primordial formations are: civil liberty organizations, labour unions, students bodies, women organizations, alumni associations, professional associations, political movements and parties are important actors in shaping political behaviour in Nigeria society.
Another important factor in the formation of political culture in Nigerian society is the character of the state. This can be broken down into three elements; the colonial nature of the state, its lack of relative autonomy, and the federal system of government. The basic point about the post colonial state in Nigeria is that it originated under the colonial rule, and that the perceptions and attitudes which attended the later rule is a legacy of the colonial rule even though efforts have been made by successive governments to put those perceptions to rest, but to no avail. The post colonial Nigeria is built around law and order, which was the hallmark of colonial legacy and the colonial government was itself an authoritarian authority, which relied on law and order as an instrument of coercion to sustain state power, both of which are conducive to military governance that characterized Nigeria for most of her existence as an independent entity. To facilitate its regulatory role and extractive roles, the post-colonial state centralizes the ‘production’ and distribution of national resources and in the context of state capitalism, this encourages the perception of the state as an instrument of accumulation and the patron-client ties as the dominant of political relations.
Another attribute of the pre-colonial state with deep political roots in the colonial past is the negative attitude to government and its operators. The colonial state, was imported from Europe grew apart from state, and the society meant to serve the colonizer’s interests. The nationalists led the anti- colonial movement, developed a notion for the society that the state was alien, what Osaghae (1998) described as ‘interest begotten idea. The perception becomes ingrained in the national consciousness. The consequence was that society failed to develop any interest or stake in the state‘s well being, and sustenance, such that would have generated accountability, transparency, responsiveness and other aspects of moral ethos. Consequently, (Oyinbo or Ebo) white man does not deserve the citizen’s obligations or duties, could be plundered to feather private nests. It is a popular Nigeria saying that ‘government business is nobody’s businesses and therefore there is nothing wrong in stealing from government funds, especially if not strictly for the benefit of the individual but also member of his community. This negative attitude may have served the needs of anti-colonial situation, negative attitudes towards the state and government became Achilles heel of the post- colonial state and many of the problems afflicted and disabled. In the past successive governments have tried to rectify this problem, there have been efforts such, as Green Revolution, JaJi Declaration (Obasanjo 1977) the Ethical Revolution, (Shagari) Anti-Corruption and Patriotism, Discipline and Self Reliance Mobilization Program (Military regime, 1980s and 1990s) War Against Indiscipline (WAI,), Mass Mobilization for Economic Recovery, Self Reliance and Social Justice (MAMSER) War Against Indiscipline and Corruption (WAIC) Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to mention but few.
Also important to political behaviour is the government role in its distribution role. The state in playing this role has run into counter productive gesture as ‘Father Christmas’ who distributes the national cake by the vast majority of the society. This perception has seriously hindered the development of the necessary social and political correlates of public finance. Most people believe that the government is a reservoir of what Osaghae (1998) reluctantly calls ‘free money’ (p.22) The pulls of these conceptions and perceptions make the reciprocity between the citizen’s rights and duties which, are necessary for sound governance problematic, and detract from the entrepreneurial ethos required for transforming the state from a renter state to a truly productive capitalist one. Osaghae (1988) argues that the state is unable to change the perceptions and attitudes of the society because the state are themselves guided by the same codes and therefore reap huge benefit of political legitimacy from them. Consequently, there were attempts made to entrench a moral code for public service through agencies like the Code of Conduct Bureau, which was provided for by the 1979 Constitution.
In effect the state continues to exist in an amoral and disabling milieu, which permits actions, which would otherwise be reprehensible to society. The federal nature of the state, which Graf (1988) argues that Nigeria continuity as one nation lies in her ‘capacity to evolve and maintain adequate system of federalism’. The Federal government was fully adopted in 1954, but has since been in decline as a result of creation of more states, underlines some of peculiar features of politics in Nigeria. There are demands for local political autonomy, demand for more equitable form of power and resources sharing, demands for more states creation by various ethnic groups even though this has rescinded. Another of these features is the ‘live and let live’ political culture, which moderates political competition in a way that makes exclusive domination of state power by a single group unacceptable which possibly led to the federal character policy, which was introduced in 1979 to ensure that every one had a fair deal emboldened this culture. Another important characteristic of political behaviour is the power relations and competition for power, this characterised the core politics. Nigeria, like most other countries in the world the elites dominate the political life. The masses of the society have come to accept this norm of political behaviour.
This is not to undermine the important role played by the peasants- state challenging the struggles, such as the Agbekoya (1968) and Bakori (1981) revolts against the excessive taxation and forcible land removal and the sporadic outbursts of the urban riots, the labour and trade unionist mass demonstration against the monstrous fuel subsidy removal by Jonathan on January 1st 2012. The elitist’s characteristics, Dudley (1982) simply refers to as ‘the rich’ and ‘the powerful. The elites in Nigeria are fractionalised along ethnic, regional and religious and institutional lines, this, Osaghae said “was as a result of the uneven development and understand the contestation for power in Nigeria lies in the character of the elites who rivalry in the country brought about by colonial legacy” (p.23). Accordingly, it has drawn its support constituencies from communal, ethnic, religious and regional group, depending on the level of contestation. It has sought to manipulate and exploit the uneasy anxiety caused by unequal size of the population to further its interests. At the macro level, powerful ethno-regional blocks have developed at various times to forge competitive interests. Group such as: Egbe Omo Oduduwa, Jamiyyar Mutanen Arewa, in the past, but in the 1980s and 1990s, groups such as, Northern elder forum, Afenifere and Ohanize. These groups are more active during the civilian rule. There are other equally very powerful groups such as the Kaduna mafia and Ogboni but operate underground as the power behind the thrown under the military and civilian. The mafia is said to compromise a core Northern interest, whose objective is believed to be the defence and advocacy of Northern interests, the most important is to sustain Northern political domination of the federation. Other societies such as the, Ekpe, and other old boys associations and alumni, of which foremost are the Arewa old boys, Baptist school Abeokuta, Edo college Benin City, federal schools, Ugheli, Umuahia and Bida are all vital in the political affirmation in the country. The membership of these societies have, known to secure electoral victories, award of contract from government, appointment to important position, promotion, etc. Hence Joseph (1987) articulates the most critical attribute and weapon of the mafia as ‘an embryonic state class to emphasise the political base of its members within the expanding institutions of Nigeria state’.
The implication for politics is that it is a common phenomenon in the society that success in life meant one should belong to one or all of the associations or blocks, because the blocks and associations are so influential at all levels of the political, economic and social spectrum in Nigeria. They are ever ready to help any one who is their member. Also voting pattern can be influenced by these ethno block groups. This was prevalent during the second republic when many people in the country saw UPN as an off-shoot of the old AG and Ugboni, simply because the leader of that party was alleged to be one of the founding fathers of that body and NPN was also seen as the off-shoot of NPC-NCNC coalition alliance, of the first republic and as such people who had earlier voted for that alliance tended to ally with the NPN and voted accordingly. Even it is a well-known fact that their children tend to vote according to the belief of their parents and themselves becoming members of such association, in like father like son syndrome.
Equally important in shaping political behaviour in Nigeria is the states domineering tendencies, which provides the most important access to accumulation. Thus, most businessmen join the party in power, thus Ake (1985a) puts it, ‘Power is everything’ and those who control the coercive resources use it freely to promote their interests, including the appropriation of surplus. Therefore, in particular reliance on patronage rhetoric for retention of political power and legitimacy is vital because any party that loses the grip of federal, state or local realm would loose the power to others and will never win any elections, as was the case of National advanced Party (NAP) in 1979. This is the warlike approach explanation to elections in Nigeria, hence Graf (1988) writing in relation to 1983 elections: “the emergence of Nigerian National Party (NPN) as virtually hegemonic party led the other party elites to see their chances for access to patronage, clientelism and state office diminish” (p.54). Another aspect of intra-elite contest for power involves the struggle among the various institutions and segments such as the; the military, academicians, politicians, government bureaucracy/, religion and other social organizations.
The military, one must say gains the upper hand here because through the barrel of the gun and state coercion are able to fledge their dominant influence over the society and politics. Successive military regime had successfully won over the public by attacking the moral credence, especially in the area of corruption and deficiency and ineptness in government of other competing institutions. Also the Nigeria situation as the, most populous country in Africa and Black world also has an important implication for post –independence politics. This is especially true of its foreign policy, which has been informed by a perception of leadership, which emphasises the country’s responsibility for the liberation and development of Africa and the entire black race for example their involvement in Liberia, Serra Leone, and Mali. The Nigeria’s scholars refer to this perception as the country’s ‘manifest destiny’, and this notion has helped immensely in forming political behaviour in the country especially amongst the educated class. Religion as I said before has become a potent force in shaping political behavior in the country especially among some Muslims folks that believe the state is conterminous to their belief. The emergence and growth of Boko Haram whose, aim is to Islamize Nigeria and also against anything Western education. It is believed many powerful Nigerians are clandestinely behind them. This “Muslim religion group” has declared war in form of terrorism on anything that does not conform to their belief and have succeeded in politicizing the minds of many Nigerians by way of indoctrination of many new recruits to their loathed and deadly illegal movement which has in turn makes the Christians to harden up to their belief and becoming more resolute in their belief and choice of political party especially its leadership.
There is new dawn of political awakening sweeping Africa as events in Egypt, Tunisia, Nigeria, and Burundi have demonstrated. In Nigeria, politics is now seen from a civilized platform, (civilized political emancipation) the consequences for under-performed party in authority is dire as the society’s populace is ready to ditch, and punish such party or government. Agitation for and acceptance for performance puritanism and order transformation and expediency by any government in authority is now the order of the day, demand and norm of voters and society as the not too long concluded memorable indelible presidential election has demonstrated. Thus, society now moves along political trends that are satisfactorily appreciated and ready to turn against the chosen path when the tide is viewed unsatisfactorily. Therefore the pendulum of change lies with what the incumbent authority did for the people during their political empowerment. Thanks to globalization and education of the masses which is diluting the tendency of any party to cheat on vote. A week is a long time in politics: consequently some politicians have very much often seen political party as a ground for political ramboesque and an ostentatious parsimony which does not require particularism or loyalty. The end product of this is “cross-carpeting”, “de-carpeting” and “stage –carpeting” with sense of ideological satire. This lack of ideology is cancerous and has blighted politicians’ obligation for h/her people, and with pedestrianism of the society seemingly legitimizing the nefarious act of the politicians, things will continue to get bad before it will start to get better. As the Presidential election has shown Nigerians can no longer be taken for a ride or granted.
Those shameless politicians with no political ideology have started to learn lessons of retribution from the electorates. Therefore there is a need for every party be it APC, Labour or PDP, in Edo state warming for the gubernatorial election to put forward a credible candidate that is approved by the electorate and not leadership’s imposed otherwise failure lurks around for any party that acts contrary to reason. Oshio-ba ba (Oshiomhole) has won the peoples of Edo state hearts and minds and if he were to stand again he would no doubt win and Chief Solomon Edebiri has become a household name that is well enriched in the mouth of most Edolites. What make these people thick are their appoggiaturas in dignity, humility and personality and their wiliness to serve the people in earnest. There is no doubt that the Edo people are now fully awaken to the reality of modern politics and are fast moving towards that structured politics that has so much eluded all praetorian societies.
However the political mind- set of a society is a function of the environment which could manipulate the conceptual formation of society negatively or positively depending on the circumstances that prevail within the system.
