As more facts emerge in what may now be termed Dasuki-gate, the interest of Nigerians is becoming more aroused. This certainly was the case as news filtered in that besides Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, former finance minister, who admitted releasing part of the much talked about Abacha loot, totalling $322 million to Dasuki Sambo, erstwhile national security adviser, Nduka Obaigbena, publisher, ThisDay newspapers, is, along with others mentioned earlier, benefitted from the loot. The money which was reportedly disbursed by Jonathan’s coordinating minister after a committee recommendation, was also shared to a number of other national newspaper owners against the original purpose-purchase of arms for the prosecution of the Boko Haram counter insurgency war. But like others, Obaigbena, then head of the independent newspaper owners’ group, is also futilely attempting to justify his share even as snippets from investigations give the impression those who received the non merited gifts are nothing but light fingered individuals and groups.
As if the revelations are not enough, reports made the round that the list of those who attempted to steal the nation blind in the last administration will soon be released. It added that the President, Mohammadu Buhari was ready to step on big toes as the war on graft intensifies. Thus, it is more likely that the war to unearth those who stole from our commonwealth and the extent of their involvement is a Nollywood block buster in the making.
When the war against corruption in high places took form under the Obasanjo administration, it was obvious that as President Mohammadu Buhari recently puts it, “we either kill corruption or corruption will kill us.” The reality may have prompted the former president into giving the fight enough teeth and wings that it not only flew but also successfully took chunks of flesh from some prominent but dubious characters, including Mustafa (Tafa) Balogun and Diepreye Alamieyeseigha. Even at that, corruption fought back and almost turned the tables around given the manner some of the accused employed bloodline affiliation as a shield against prosecution. Obviously the present administration appears determined to take the war to a new and more painstaking phase. However, if the manner some of the accused are also deploying primordial sentiments to divert public attention is anything to go by, one may not be wrong to conclude the nation may be heading for a protracted war ahead.
When Balogun, the one time pot bellied inspector general of the nation’s police force, was nabbed for allegedly robbing the nation to the tune of N13 billion, he was also accused of collecting monies from dubious politicians and other criminals involved in money laundering charges before letting them off the hook. By the time he was arraigned by Nuhu Ribadu’s Economic, Financial and other Crimes Commission, EFCC, three years after assuming office, the rotund-looking master cop looked pitiably deflated mainly because he knew he’s been had. Left without much options, he pleaded guilty and was sentenced to some miserable six months of imprisonment and a ridiculous fine of half a million Naira. Uniquely, he summed his journey in the following words. “Life is full of challenges. It has ups and downs. I was up yesterday, I am down today. But I will bounce back.” He never did but as the case turned out, he had supporters, many of them, beneficiaries of his fraud fraught career, rose in his defence and made the point that he was being “persecuted” or “witch hunted” for stepping on some big toes. Though the accusation did not fly, the point was made that those who fight corruption must wait for the war from corruption.
Like Balogun, Alamieyeseigha’s profligacy was a cause celebre. The acclaimed Ijaw generalissimo, also touted as crown prince of underhand deals, was arrested in London, United Kingdom, where he was caught with $3.2 million. Before being arraigned for prosecution, he jumped bail and left the UK for Nigeria reportedly disguised as a woman. Back home, his travails heightened as the EFCC went after him. But until his death in 2015, his supporters, mainly his Ijaw kinsmen, never stopped believing that his travails were part of a grand plan by the Obasanjo administration to eliminate those opposed to it. Again, “witch hunt” came handy as part of his plan to evade scrutiny.
The same thing happened in the case involving Diezani Alison Madueke, Alamieyeseigha’s fellow Ijaw kinswoman. Madueke, who reigned over the nation’s petroleum ministry like a demi-god, allegedly soiled her nimble looking fingers with dubious undertakings from which the nation lost billions of Dollars. For instance, the de facto prime minister in the Jonathan administration, reportedly squandered billions on dubious oil subsidy payments including the much talked about 2014 $20 billion confirmed missing under her watch by independent investigators, including KPMG and PriceWaterHouseCoopers. She is also alleged to have paid a princely N30.9 billion to contractors as transport minister and another N1.2 billion into a private account of a toll company without following due process. Yet, she was the subject of investigation over a N10 billion paid out as charter and maintenance of a Challenger 850 aircraft for unofficial use. Over all, she has 500,000 Euros (about N130 million) monthly aircraft maintenance allegation hanging over her like the sword of Democles. Typically too, allegation of “witch hunt” was the first line of defence employed by her camp, followed by the more emotional claim that she was undergoing treatment for cancer. As if such would make issues in the allegations against her disappear, they also pushed filial loyalty over and above patriotism as was the case with all accused before her.
By any stretch of the imagination, emotional judgment in serious corruption cases does not seem to be over. That is if we consider the scenario in the Dasuki-gate in which one of the many accused, Aleogho Dokpesi, chairman emeritus, Daar Communications, owners of Ray Power radio and African Independent Television, AIT. Dokpesi, investigators alleged, collected N2.1 billion, part of the money meant to procure arms for the prosecution of the ongoing Boko Haram counter insurgency war. While security agencies insist, obviously from investigations, that it is graft, the Agenebode high chief, his family members and media network are of the belief that the money is payment for legitimate business. To that extent, they are in a hurry to feed the public with the impression that his arrest is part of a plan to silence those in the Buhari administration considers as enemies because of their principled stands. In other words, it is a selective war. Sadly, none of them seems concerned that the nation has lost innocent souls-civilians, gallant soldiers and goods and services worth billions as a result of the infractions he is alleged to have committed or that until he is evidently cleared, the appeal to emotion is a fraud attempt to subsume patriotism under blood loyalty.
The saddest part of the ugly trend is that those attempting to deliberately make the accused look like saints do not seem to realize (do not care perhaps) that such an action does not portend any good for anyone, including themselves.
Indeed, they seem to forget that allowing primordial sentiments take precedence over and above evidential judgment is the same reason we have lost our moral compass. That is the reason why families will look the other way even as their kits and kin rob fellow beings blind. It is the same reason we now call a thief by anther name and say “the guy don hammer.” Instead of handing him over to law enforcement agencies, we will rather organize a thanksgiving for him. This is hardly what our nation needs in its overdue quest to be rid of the image-destroying corruption toga. Until we learn to consider issues by their merits and act accordingly even if such actions may, in the end, not favour us or those we are connected to anyway, we will all remain a people who are very aware of what corruption is but are deliberately very unwilling to fight the scourge. Whichever way it is, we must be ready to face the implication of allowing our filial or other primordial affiliations determine our sense of judgment.
