With over 250 ethnic groups scattered across its geographical domain boasting numerous languages and cultural traditions, Nigeria is an expansive melting pot. As of 2023, Nigeria ranks as the third most culturally diverse country in Africa and worldwide, according to Statista, just behind the Republic of Chad and Cameroon. Diversity, however, could be a double-edged sword, on a contextual basis. A key indication of diversity is difference.
Following the events of the 2023 presidential elections and the fallout from the announcement of the results, it is quite apparent that Nigerian citizens are acutely aware of the differences existing among themselves. These differences are deeply entrenched in the collective psyche of the citizens and they readily manifest themselves in every facet of the society, including the political culture.
Nigeria claims to practice a federal system with a presidential form of government. Two main parties, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), dominate the political landscape, though what pundits have termed a third force, the Labour Party, emerged in the build-up to the 2023 presidential after Peter Obi, a former governor of Anambra State and a former vice presidential candidate of the PDP, joined the Labour Party and picked its presidential ticket for the 2023 election.
Many have argued that political parties in Nigeria lack clearly defined ideologies, which is responsible for the ease with which politicians defect from one party to the other, there is no doubt that in theory, these parties do have ideologies that guide their objectives and campaigns. That notwithstanding, many citizens, from the common man on the streets to actual party stakeholders, appear more likely to prefer to place greater emphasis on the ethnic identity of political figures than assess or scrutinize them according to their actual deeds and/or achievements or their adherence to the primary mission of their host party, thus creating stereotypes. The foregoing sentiment which has eaten deep into the fabric of Nigerian politics is what scholars refer to as “tribalism”. Partisan politics in Nigeria is more or less a facade, founded on ethnic or regional affiliations, and not political ideologies.
A common pronouncement in the aftermath of the 25 February 2023 elections was that “power has returned to the south”. I find this assertion to be quite telling as it reveals the subtle ecstasy of citizens at the idea of a southern rule as opposed to a rule reinforced by sociological or philosophical leanings and/or preferences of the political party. However, an innocent bystander, ignorant of the ethno-religious colouration of Nigeria’s political landscape, would be led to ask what difference it would make if a southerner ruled the nation over a northerner. As a matter of fact, I posed this exact query to a close colleague and he opined that the northerners were more prone to lending more credence to their religious beliefs, allowing the doctrines of their religion to precede government policies, which could in turn lead to even greater economic downturns in the country. These kinds of assessment, valid or not, only serve to justify the argument that ethnic identification is often considered more relevant to citizens than actual manifestations of individual personality.
Ethnic stereotypes are very commonplace in Nigeria. Whether or not these stereotypes are accurate is another argument entirely that has little to no bearing on the point of this piece. Research has shown that apart from facilitating intergroup hostility and enabling toxic prejudices around a variety of social distinctions, interpretations based on stereotypes can negatively impact social cohesion, law enforcement, and even water down valuable achievements of individuals. More importantly, stereotype accuracy, if assumed to be valid, does not necessarily translate to accurate judgements.
One major complication inherent in the habit of profiling individuals through such superficial means is the fact that it could likely effectuate recursive thinking, that is, reinforcement of a belief even when it is wrong in a particular instance. If a person has a belief that people of a particular ethnic group are prolific thieves, and he has a boy from that ethnic area working in his establishment, he will catch the boy stealing more often because he has spent more time monitoring him instead of other employees on the premise of preconceived notions about the ethnic group. This only reinforces that specific stereotype in the head of the boss. Meanwhile, the boss is missing a lot of thieves from other ethnic areas in that same establishment because he is fixated on the youth from a particular ethnic group and his surveillance tends to justify that fixation.
These tribalistic sentiments have had a profound impact on politics in Nigeria, shaping political dynamics, electoral outcomes, and policy decisions. The average Nigerian is more inclined to cast their vote for candidates who belong to their own ethnic group, believing that this will lead to better representation and the protection of the interests of the group. This pattern has contributed to a phenomenon where ethnic-based parties or alliances gain prominence during elections. A quick glance at the geographical distribution of the 2023 presidential election results reveals that the PDP presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, a northerner, received the majority of his votes from the Northern regions of the country. APC candidate and current President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who hails from the South Western region of the country, received the majority of his votes from the South West states, alongside few Northern states. The Labour Party candidate, Peter Gregory Obi, who is from Anambra State in the South-East region, received the bulk of his votes from the South-South and South-East regions of the country.
In light of the foregoing, it isn’t rare to see politicians sometimes exploit ethno-religious sentiments to form alliances and secure electoral support. Traditional leaders and even religious institutions may endorse candidates, swaying voters based on ethnic or religious identity. But the manipulation of ethnic sentiments can lead to polarization and tensions between different ethnic groups. Cases in the past where elected officials often prioritized their own ethnic or religious groups when distributing resources, appointments, and government contracts easily buttress this point.
Mitigating the overwhelming influence of ethno-religious sentiments in Nigeria is not a task to be accomplished in one week, one month or even a full year. It can only happen through long-term cultural evolution, in tandem with consistent efforts geared towards changing the orientation of the average Nigerian citizen. A strong sense of national identity that is inclusive of the country’s diverse cultural heritage is paramount, and this should be reflective in the people’s political culture as well. Political parties must be representative of Nigeria’s cultural diversity, and the importance of voting based on merit and policy rather than ethnicity or religion is crucial.
It is also vital that political parties are well acquainted with basic political philosophies including conservatism and liberalism and develop a clear understanding of how these ideologies guide the dynamics of the society. A solid framework for structuring governments and societies premised on ethnic foundation is severely flawed. Political philosophies like conservatism and liberalism provide instructions on means of distributing power or making important decisions and ultimately serve in establishing a clearer structure of the political system.
